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It participated in the anti-conscription campaigns of and Member Baines, Sarah Jane Jennie - Pankhurst, Adela Constantia Mary - Henderson, circa [manuscript], c. Details Letters, diaries and lectures, - ; State Library of Victoria.
Details Press cuttings book presented to Edith How Martyn, Details Goldstein, Vida ed. She had become the land of military and industrial slaves, of shackled speech and shackled conscience. Under these circumstances, do you wonder that free Australian men have come to see that the war is not being fought for the great ideals of freedom that were held before them at the beginning, and that, therefore, the few men who might still volunteer in the cause of freedom refuse to volunteer in a cause that aims at rivetting the chains of European militarism on Australia?
They begin to see that the belief in Might throws the nations into a bottomless pit of hate, and oppression, and debt. They begin to see that conscription entrenches militarism still more deeply and breeds endless war, to which every conception of Right and Freedom must be ruthlessly sacrificed.
And you, women of Australia, are asked to say the same thing, and more; for as women you are faced with a greater responsibility in this matter than men. As the Mothers of the Race, it is your privilege to conserve life, and love, and beauty, all of which are destroyed by war. Without them, the world is a desert.
That was terrible, but more terrible still was the thought of his killing another dear boy like himself, a boy whose mother loved him as passionately as I loved mine. Which is the noble spirit? Man-made laws that defy eternal laws of God, of Right, of Reason, of Love, can never produce good.
We cannot gather grapes of thorns, not figs of thistles. And so we ask you to be true to your womanhood, and, with your vote, bring to the State the same gifts that you bring to your homes, the gifts of order, of beauty, of forbearance, of harmony, of love. The nations are dying for lack of these gifts from women. I feel impelled to make an appeal to you because I know the depth of feeling that is being aroused by the attempt to conscript the lives of Australian men, and by the gradual but steady loss of the great Bulwarks of Liberty, a Free Conscience, Free Press, Free Speech.
Unless the rank and file of Parliament assert their control over the Government, and insist on the military authorities being deprived of their present powers over civilians, [ First, let me assure you, who have only the daily papers to go by, that we, who have always opposed and will always oppose war as being contrary to the Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount, as inevitably sowing the seeds for future wars, and as an utterly futile method of settling international differences, let me assure you that we are not Pro-Germans, nor do we attempt to prevent men from voluntarily enlisting as soldiers.
We believe that the existing commercial and industrial system, the antiquated ideas governing secret diplomacy and foreign affairs, the predatory instincts of financiers, armament firms, newspapers, the militarism of Germany, the Navalism of Great Britain, and the consequent fears of other nations, produced a situation which Foreign Offices were incapable of meeting, and war became inevitable. We believe that every man over the age of 21 has a right to decide for himself whether he shall become a soldier or not.
The first attempt of the military authorities to deprive citizens of their rights was made in Melbourne on August-September, , and it was made on women. I denied the right of military authorities to censor such matter, and informed them that I would appeal to the Government for a decision.
We placed the facts about the [ That members may fully understand the present position, I must now recall to their minds the pledges given by the Prime Minister Mr. Fisher and the Attorney-General Mr. I ask you, gentlemen, to hold the Prime Minister to his pledges, the pledges that were the means — surely the honest means — by which he secured the assent of Parliament to the drastic powers contained in the War Precautions Acts.
Hughes said it was not intended to give them. And the position now is that we are not governed by laws made by Parliament, but by regulations made by military men, who are not responsible to the people, who have no sympathy with, and no understanding of the aims and ideals of Democracy.
In October, , military control of the public platform commenced. The great daily papers, the organs of vested interests, are censored only in regard to naval and military news. The daily papers are permitted to lie freely about anti-militarists; [ The Minister has, undoubtedly, much to try his patience in these strenuous times, but a most regrettable change in his demeanour was noticeable from that with which he greeted the deputation in Then he was a democrat, the representative of the people, ever ready to hear what the people had to say, ever ready to defend them against official injustice.
When asked by Mr. I hope it will be understood that there is not a particle of malice in [ They fight [ Militarists come to believe, quite honestly, that Might is the only Right, that Conscience and Freedom undermine Right, and must therefore be crushed ruthlessly. You will be surprised to hear that we have not even the same measure of freedom that is allowed in Great Britain.
Labour and Pacifist papers there are allowed the utmost latitude; only one or two fruitless attempts have been made to suppress anti-militarist propaganda. The Prime Minister or the Minister of Defence will probably tell you that no action against anti-conscriptionists and anti-militarists is instituted, except with their consent. You will then probably say that neither Minister would consent to a prosecution unless he truly believed it was justified.
I say so, too, but you must remember that the reports on which the prosecutions are based are made by newspaper reporters, or by members of the Secret Service, or by the police, which, torn altogether from their context, convey the very opposite of what the accused person said. The accused is already condemned before the evidence is heard.
Every magistrate feels bound to uphold the Commonwealth Government in its conduct of everything connected with the war, and, although all the weight of evidence in each case that has been tried has been in favour of the accused person, the result has been, except on one or two occasions, a conviction. I say, without fear of successful contradiction, that the prosecutions under the War Precautions Act have not been for the purpose for which the Act was placed on the Statute Book, but for a wholly foreign purpose — that of crushing non-party, Labour and Socialist reformers in their anti-Militarist propaganda.
If the fullest freedom of speech and press is not given to the antic-conscriptionists, I am in a position to know better than some of you who have been present at the meeting of Labour Councils to hear Mr. Hughes, that, if this freedom is withheld and Conscription is forced upon the manhood of the country, there will be serious trouble.
And the news will then be sent out to the rest of the world that the great Australian Democracy has willingly accepted Conscription. The public have not been allowed to know that Mr. Hughes has stood almost alone in Labour gatherings except for a few of the Tory Labourites, beaten up from every direction against Labour officials with the powerful unions behind them.
A regulation has been issued ordering every leaflet intended for publication, which in any way deals with the war, to be submitted to the censor. By the time the Censor has finished deleting everything that might be useful as an argument against Conscription in the hundreds of leaflets which it is desired to issue, the Referendum will have been taken.
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