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There were significant differences in the way community assemblies have elected members of the communities themselves, whose number was not firmly established. The above election process had been 1 Ibidem. There will be a reform of the municipal councils composition and areas to guarantee the honesty of the election of delegates to the Muslim, Christian and other municipalities and freedom on the voting of councils The Macedonian Struggle against Neighboring Church and Secular Influences in the XIX century After the abolition of the autonomous Macedonian church, the Archbishopric of Ohrid in , all of the respective dioceses came under the authority of the Ecumenical Patriarchate.

Thereafter, it began to implement a policy of fierce negation of everything previously done by the Archbishopric. Firstly, it began to change diocesan bishops, replacing them by the phanariotes, conducting church services in Greek language. The bishops were assisted by their helpers called novice priests, acting a great administrative role with actual power in terms of management of dioceses2. However, sometime in the second half of the XIX century, the Macedonian struggle against Greek propaganda had received a different dimension.

Whereas the municipalities were still in the hands of graecized strata, the ethnic Macedonian citizenry had fought for realization of their interests by seizing the mentioned power. Thus, a new danger was lurking on the behalf of the Ottoman government, recognizing only the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate, which can be described by the factual inability of the communities to have their own representatives in the Majlis! Turkish Council.

However, despite the numerous interventions by the Greek bishops, the local Ottoman authorities had not conducted any particular pressure on the emancipated communities, thus tolerating them for purely practical reasons. First, the Ottoman government had taken to intensifying the split between the Christian 1 Hatt! They could have represented the bishop in Majlis in the Governing Council, the Ottoman court and in many other instances.

They had the right to investigate the church crimes of priests, punish minor offenses, so the punished priest had to serve his sentence there. They cared for filling in vacant parishes They had a regular income from other church matters. No marriage could be concluded without the permission of the oeconomus administrator and the bishop. They also had the power to impose taxes, similar to the ones of the Ottoman Empire, whereas the service of the tax collectors was of limited duration.

Driven by the desire for rapid enrichment, they often unfairly increased the tax sums The unilateral cancellation of obedience to the Patriarchate had not been considered a permanent solution to the problem; the real challenge had been the obtaining a permanent ecclesiastical institution, relying on legitimacy — so that it would be recognized by the Sublime Porte or one of the Orthodox churches recognized by the Sublime Porte.

Therefore, the citizens had begun to file frequent appeals to the Sublime Porte to consider their request for renewal of the Archdiocese. The Bulgarian Exarchate and the Bulgarian bourgeoisie had numerous aspirations to remove the Macedonian element of church organization. Out of all communities, the protests were loudest and most articulated in the town of Ohrid, being directed not only against the abolishment of the Ohrid diocese, but at the same time, asking the question of renewal of the Ohrid Archbishopric.

The mentioned request had relied on the former agreement with Bulgarian officials in Constantinople, according to which, the seat of the church would be in Ohrid2. The Bulgarian Exarchate considered that the Macedonian civil element had many weaknesses and believed that it is not able to independently lead a struggle for its autocephalous Church, as it only chooses the influence — Greek or Bulgarian.

However, the majority opted for the Exarchate Bulgarian jurisdiction. Once there was a clear absence of a church as a pillar that will connect the communities, the Macedonian communities were frequently associating with other communities, based on common origin.

The above had contributed to the national awakening of the Macedonian people and the efforts to establish their own church. In the middle of the XIX century, the communities had acted relatively independent in terms of the Greek Patriarchate, as each community had its own way of coping with the Greek influence.

For example, the Kukush community close to the Macedonian — Greek border in present terms had accepted a union with the Roman Catholic Church, the Skopje community had requested a Macedonian bishop and the Ohrid community was ardent in supporting of the Archdiocese renewal3.

However, the economically underdeveloped communities had not been able to solve all the financial problems without help and donations from outside. It had forced them to turn to the economically developed municipalities, usually adjacent, possessing a financial capacity to intervene with lump sums1. In this regard, the Roman!

Catholic, Romanian and Jewish communities have played a significant role. However, due to the non! Another example would be the existence of the Romanian propaganda, whose target was the Vlach population, having also rebelled against the Patriarchy. Macedonian Committee, as well as the opening of several Vlach schools.

The first community was established in The community had its own patron, the Vlach Masho Costa, serving as its president for many years, acting as a representative in the Majlis as well. The Communal Activities As stated previously, whereas the Ecumenical Patriarchate has not claimed an ecclesiastical authority, the power had been concentrated in the hands of the President of the community.

At that time, the communities had been consisted of eight to twelve members. The head of the so! The supreme authority in all church and school communities had been represented by the communal assembly. The assembly had the authority to elect a number of authorities, primarily the so! There had been a number of subsidiary bodies with various competences boards as well, taking care of the daily needs of the people2.

The communities had covered competencies in few areas such as the: construction, publishing, health, social, religious, educational and judicial. In some settlements, the educational activity had been concentrated exclusively in the hands of the communities. After the mentioned abolishment of the Ohrid Archbishopric, there had been a clear lack of a unifying element that would bring together all the communal competences. Out of all these, the educational, religious and legal competences have been marked as the most pronounced.

As asserted, the church competence is considered as one of the most important, rooting from the fact that the communal assets and activities were condensed mostly in the churches and religious buildings monasteries, hospices etc. The church activity had consisted of the construction, reconstruction, restoring and ongoing care of the listed buildings.

It had been elected by the communal assembly, convened by the President of the community. The mentioned assembly had been determining the competence territory of the individual parishes, forbidding an overlap of different parishes. The church administration had been engaged in activities directly related to the religious life on a certain geographic territory, had collected financial contributions for example by selling candles , had taken care of the purchase of the church assets and church inventory, cared for the supplies, collected church taxes, issued certain religious church documents, cared for celebrating of the religious holidays, maintained the church and monastery movable and immovable property, lease of real property and so on3.

One of the most important activities as well, was the educational activity. This took place at a time of an official state absence. The mentioned had prompted few eminent Macedonians who had already articulated certain awareness of Slavic origin and emancipation of the Greek influence. All of my subjects Empire will be accepted regardless of the state in civilian and military schools as eligible for age and qualifications provided by the organic rules of the aforementioned schools The Macedonian citizenship had also taken interest in socialization of the previous church and private schools, to make them more accessible to the people2.

Thus, they had turned into public schools, free of tuitions, becoming more accessible to the poorer students. Seeking help from neighboring countries and more developed church! There are even known cases of staff members having set permanently in Macedonia. For the achievement of the above stated, the communities had needed funds, usually received from the Macedonian intelligentsia, guilds and their voluntary deposits.

They donated financial means and other assets. The community had their own budget at disposal3. Legal Competences of the Macedonian Communities — the Role of Legal Influences in Creating an Autonomous Legal System The legal and juridical competence of a state or a relatively autonomous political system is considered as one of the requirements for its survival.

The colorful history of the Balkan Peninsula represents a true conglomerate of autonomous legal systems and legal influences. In addition to the above, each community, whether formally defined or not, requires certain legitimacy. The legitimacy derives from its ability to autonomously regulate social relationships, using certain rules and norms of behavior.

The wider Balkans history witnesses many influences from other legal systems. The law, used within the church — school communities having in fact 1 Hatt! The role of the autonomous common law in this case is very much underlined — as a dominant form of popular contribution to the organization of everyday life on a particular territory.

This legal form represents a consequence of the centuries — long tradition of practicing the customary rules, heavily influenced by different legal aspects of the countries which ruled the Macedonian territory. The church law is a kind of legal system that has been perceived as very eminent for the entire Eastern European region, under the jurisdiction of the Orthodox churches.

However, despite this relatively highly defined organization, over the centuries, the Church and its law , did not exist as an isolated system, as it had to coexist with various states and political communities, as well as with the law of organized groups of people the common law. In this sense, the coexistence between the church and the political communities had been characterized by altering the church scope of action by the state, according to the real power of the former.

The Church, as history shows, has been outliving the state, regardless of the specific forms of social structure and ideologies. The customary law, as a source in Macedonia, had been followed by the same qualification as other customary rights in the region. It had derived from the field of customs that existed and were applied together with the written positive law in many areas of life. A good example for the autonomous existence of customary rules is the fact that the family and marital legal rules that had regulated the lives of Muslim Macedonians, up to date, is in fact no different than the one that took place before the process of islamization.

Another example would be that stored customary legal rules in the field of marriage and family are interchangeable both for the Macedonians living in the country but for the diaspora as well. The above is suggesting their existence before the process of islamization, i. Essentially, the church and customary law represent two separate legal systems, which, had been tolerating and even supplementing each other. For example, in certain historical periods, the church had accepted some customs, 1 Mile Hadzivasilev!

Some authors believe that this consideration cannot be seen as a reactionary, since certain customary practices were indeed directed against the Christian faith and moral, while others were derived from the Ottoman legal influence, so they had seriously threatened the ethnic identity of enslaved Christian peoples. The aforementioned assertion puts an outline that the church was meant to defend the uniformity of law in the Ottoman period1.

The Orthodox Church as a concept and a concrete item, had remained relatively the same, regardless of the aforementioned state legal systems2. In this sense, the coexistence between the church and political communities is characterized by changing the scope of action of the church on the behalf of the state, according to the real power of the former.

The Church, as shown throughout different historical periods and conditions, has outlived all states, regardless of the specific forms of social structure and ideologies3. In the very traditional Ottoman state, a sharp distinction between the religious and the secular had been clearly absent. The religious aspect of the Ottoman state and legal system is especially important, since it had been predominant in the socio! The Ottoman state in its structure is defined as a theocratic monarchy, meaning that the overall social system was based on the Islamic religion.

The free exercise of religious and cultural practices by non! Muslim nations is a very prominent feature of the whole Ottoman rule, so the cultural identity of the subjects was, in some way, being modeled through the cultural and religious tolerance that was part of the Ottoman colonizers code.

The famous Millet system represented a useful form of granting autonomy to the peoples under Ottoman rule. In the Ottoman Empire, three millets were recognized as official: Jewish, Orthodox, Armenian, while the fourth is actually Muslim, obtaining the official millet status. Every non!

Muslim millet had been represented appropriately in the Ottoman system, having been allowed certain autonomy in religious, cultural and legal sense, as well as local self! Besides the main legal sources, there are subsidiary sources, witnessed regionally, and more specifically on Macedonian territory. They can even be more specifically defined as legal influences and implants.

The practice of the Sharia legal system is pointed as an another good example, having penetrated the Balkans soil fairly early, sometime after the arrival of the Turks in the Balkan Peninsula. The Ottomans, as it is commonly known, had applied the Sharia legal system, which had favored the feudal system of the Arab region; having just won the Balkan Peninsula, this legal system was predominant until their departure from the designated area. Its significance derives from the fact that it represents the official state law in this area.

However, the legal relationship between Muslims and non! Muslims had been evident anywhere where the legal competence had not been in the hands of municipalities. In some parts, such as the family and inheritance law for example, it had been continuously applied even after the Second World War. The aforementioned aspect is supplemented by the fact, that even in present terms; the positive law is covered by parts of such customary rights and rules, thus filling legal loopholes. Seen through a more specific territorial perspective, a good example would be the Serbian and Bulgarian customs and traditions, as well.

Since the Balkans were under Ottoman administration heavily based on feudalism , the feudalism as such, despite its original elements, contained borrowings from the Byzantine, Roman and other legal systems. In this case, some countries, such as Greece and Bulgaria, had been transferring the influences to the territory of Macedonia. Bulgaria, for example, shows similar general social and economic conditions in the aforementioned period, as it had also been under Ottoman rule.

Both Bulgarian and Macedonian communities have enjoyed a great legitimacy and discretion in regulating the many social and legal relations between the populations considered the protector of the above in the fight against excessive taxation, since they were tax collectors. Similarly, they have been known to actively participate in resolving family disputes, applying the marital, property and criminal law, with necessary parts and application of Sharia law1.

The legal aspects, based on legal rules and customs used in the past, had not only supplemented and perfected the legal system in general, but have also stood as a significant representative of a national culture. That culture, with all its components, should not be discarded as a past category. In few words, the widest juridical competencies of the communities were in the area of civil law more accurately — family and inheritance law. In other legal branches, such as the criminal, the communities were practiced to a lesser extent, i.

The South Slavic peoples, in the more distant history, were quite familiar with the communal organization but without the prefix church. That organization, as previously mentioned, had reflected the interests of the higher social classes rich merchants, craftsmen etc. That could be most easily detected in the area of civil law, but it can be also found in the area of the criminal! The roots sources of this hybrid legal system stem from customary law and the church Orthodox law of the past.

After the abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric in , the Macedonians had solved and taken care of their family, marital, criminal, property and other forms of issues through the community sessions. The social processes reflect a need of creating a new social and legal organization, at a certain degree of their development, through transplants and borrowings from the more developed systems.

They implement certain principles, practices, rules, regulations and institutions. These assertions had always existed, although with different social roles in a different time and historical context. Indeed, the impact factor and its longevity , suggest that a given society or social community and its legal system are in a tight complex relation.

The essence of the communal role comes to light in the aspect of their appliance of law; that was simply the fastest and most efficient way to solve various kinds of and regulate social relationships. A greater acknowledgment of their legitimacy had relied precisely on their authority, since most of the decisions are were accepted and respected not only by locals but also by the higher authorities of the Ottoman justice.

As stated, the latter had gained a strong form of legitimacy by the mere fact of implementation, followed by a wide acceptance by the people, as most distinguished manager of social relations. Conclusion The occurrence, development, and meaning of the activities of church! Thus, the people were improving and cultivating their own social life, by creating new standards for the organization of their own social existence.

The basis was set of nearly the same church and customary norms of the more distant past, practicing procedures and management of many social relationships between people, legal entities and institutions, thus embodying modern views of life, slowly leading to the present state and positive law. The absence of a sovereign state does not reduce the importance of building social relationships, which are broadly similar to many nations of the Balkan Peninsula. They have all witnessed a similar organization of self — government, practicing customs and customary rights, with traces detected today, especially in terms of the civil law.

The historical continuity of the above self! The Macedonian legal system in the XIX century, along with the other competencies and activities of autonomous Macedonian authorities, stands as a strong expression of the high awareness for statehood. There is also an undisputed and relatively high degree of democracy in the above processes.

The system of self! The evolution of collective responsibility, in the legal but also the wider social context, has become a symbol of the struggle for individuality and independence. Papastatis, Haralambos K. Hungary, all of them interested to contain the rising influence of Russia, envisaged after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire and the provisions of the San Stefano treaty.

Hence the Treaty defined the new territorial reorganisation of the Balkans in order to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, and it provided a reformatory framework for the European provinces. In that sense, Article 23 of the Treaty provided that statutory changes would be introduced in the Macedonian vilayets, similar to the status of the island of Crete. Nevertheless, such reformatory endeavours had to be introduced in the reality of the existing Ottoman rum millet, a system of a certain level of political autonomy granted to the communities defined on the basis of their confession and religious affiliation.

Furthermore, the reforms were prevented by the reluctance of the Porte, combined with the rising German interest in the region. Nevertheless, the provisions of the Berlin Treaty had an immense role in the definition of the ideological objectives of the Macedonian liberation movement especially IMRO and served as main postulates for the proposed reformatory programmes of the Great Powers concerning Macedonia, in the period of !

The expression of the interests of the Great Powers, especially after the events of San Stefano, in regional Balkan terms, caused irreversible consequences that shaped the ideological postulates of the new emerging national movements, within the already existing historical circumstances of the shaken Ottoman Empire. Contact: aspirkoski aim. However, there was serious unpreparedness of the European powers to efficiently disarm their military capacities, hence no real demand was introduced, which was unprecedented, as not even Britain was prepared to denounce its naval power1.

That was a time of redefinition of the national rise of certain powers, while the ruling elites no longer opposed the changes in the policy courses. The war had become a political means, tending to last as short as possible, in order to gain certain political or rather territorial concessions, instead of being presented as a method of destruction. This change of late nineteenth century warfare had been influenced by the economic and technological progress, with the industrialized powers of Western Europe taking the lead, while the backward ones, such as Russia, were still dominant2.

In a time of nationally powered Europe, the Ottoman Empire was still multi! The Porte was facing discontent in its own backyard — the loud voice of change invoked by its own progressive representatives of the aristocratic class, aware of the stagnating stage of the empire. Still, the critical effect of the Eastern Question was irreversible — the economic reforms had a reverted outcome, hence no real ground for building competitive economy within European frames, led to further discontent and reactionary enhancement in the Empire.

The result was the establishment of the regime of Abdul Hamid and his centralised conduct of reactionary policy, carefully concentrating and controlling all centres of political power around him. The mere process of stagnation and dissolution of the 1 C. France also took interest in expanding its sphere of influence, however aggravated by the fact of internal political turmoil and absence of immediate vicinity, regarding the Ottoman Empire. The dissolution of the Empire would mean one thing in terms of power politics : an open access to the Mediterranean Sea via the Bosporus and Dardanelle straits, especially in terms of naval prevalence.

Russia was no exception. In the first decades of incumbency of the Eastern Question, Russia found the opportunity of imposing its imperial power over the decaying Empire. Complementarily, tsar Nicholas I was considered a sworn enemy of the liberalistic wave, which stranded Europe in and claimed to restore autocracy by crushing the signs of revolution, wherever it may emerge. In this respect, Russia had positioned itself as a sole power ready to challenge the weakened Ottoman Empire by itself, trying to impose influence on the emerging young states on the Balkan Peninsula.

After the Crimean War ! Now, the period ! Another wave of national rebellions against the Ottoman rules in the Balkans emerged in the form of the Bulgarian Uprising in and the Kresna Uprising in Macedonia. The Tsar, instigated by the fearsome crush of the Bulgarian Uprising led by the autocrat Abdul Hamid , used it as a reason for declaring war to the Porte.

This provoked reactions from the rest of the major powers. Great Britain was quite on the opposite scale of interest. Finding itself at the peak of its national power, mostly due to the global naval predominance and strong commercial network over the world, Britain would strongly preserve the status quo of the conditions and prevent any other power in Europe to challenge and enhance its naval power. This was one of the premises regarding the Ottoman Empire as well, hence the Empire in XIX century already spread all over the Mediterranean Sea and comprised the neuralgic points for the British naval interest — the Bosporus access to the Sea and the Persian Gulf in Asia.

Therefore, Britain would always directly oppose Russia in this sense, as long as the latter did not renounce its imperial appetites. The declaration of war in , once again provoked British intervention. Hungary had different reasons to be interested in the Eastern Question. The heterogenic empire, comprised of various nations, cultures and religions, had sufficient reasons to worry about its own integrity and continuously to undertake cunning political methods of prevention and self!

In this respect, any rebellious tendency of the Balkan people, especially the Slavic people, was considered a sign of trouble for Vienna, endangering its reign over the Balkan territories. Aware of the cultural and religious paternalism that Russia cultivated towards the orthodox Slavic people in the Balkans, Austro! Hungary also opposed the Russian belligerent policy. The dual monarchy did not allow an establishment of an immense Slavic country, regardless whether Great Bulgaria, Great Serbia or Serbo!

Bulgaria, perpetually fearing a possible territorial aggrandizement of Serbia on the account of Bosnia and Herzegovina2. Such development would have fortified the Russian regional hegemony, further diminishing the Austrian influence and possibly endangered the existence of a monarchy comprising a vast population of various Slavic people.

Therefore, Vienna also strongly opposed the emergence of the Russo! Ottoman war in While Italy still found itself in the process of consolidation and strengthening power, the strongly unified Germany, under immense directions of the Prussian chancellor, proved and established itself as the new imperial power in the heart of Europe, as strong as its neighbours, if not stronger, which was evident in the Prussian! French war in German rise to power came not only as a result of the brilliant foreign policy under the conducting pole of Bismarck, but also as a result of the socio!

Importantly, the Congress of Berlin had suitably manifested the political goals of Bismarck. In this period, he strived to maintain the peace in Europe, and prevent any major territorial concessions of the continent even to Germany, as he perceived that the Baltic states had been of different nationality rather than German, and also that the annexation of the Austrian Catholics in the German Empire would have only strengthened the 1 Paul Kennedy, The Rise and the Fall of the Great Powers — Economic Change and Military Conflict from to , New York, Vintage Books, , p.

For once, Germany, without imperial reigns, would continuously oppose the actions of the existing imperial forces in Europe, imposing demands for new power distribution on the continent. Regarding the Ottoman Empire, this opposition will have two directions — convergence towards the newly emerged states at the Congress — e. The unified Germany was disproportionally disturbing the power balance in Europe, a fact tangible with the victory over France in the Franco!

Prussian War of This situation was directly questioning the Russian interests in the Heartland, so Russia had to manoeuvre their action. First, in order not to intervene in the aforementioned war, Russia demanded neutrality of the Black Sea and the concession of Besarabia, a request indulged by the rest of the Powers at the conference in London. Afterwards, in order to assert its interest further, Russia initiated the informal establishment of the Triple Emperors Alliance with Germany and Austro!

Thus, their focus had been regularly concentrated on the East, where the interests of both Russia and Austro! Hungary had been tangled. Hence, both empires had been mutually cautious about their own policies. The mere location of the revising Congress has got an immense historical significance.

The Congress of Berlin marks the beginning of the Russo! German rivalry on the European and global scene. Russia had recognised the priority of Vienna in the matter, and attempted to remain neutral in the matter, not allowing interference by Serbia and Montenegro in the Bosnian clash4.

Nevertheless, under the influence of the domestic Panslavist movement, general Chernaieff arrived in Belgrade in order to prepare the Serbian army for combat. Later that year, Serbia and Montenegro were in war with Turkey, hoping for aid from potential Bulgarian insurgency.

Both ministers, Gorchakov and Andrashi generally endorsed that Serbia and Montenegro would granted territorial concessions, Greece would gain Crete and Thessaly, while the rest of the Ottoman reigns on the Balkans would established under three new states: Bulgaria, Roumelia and Albania, without defining their demarcations. Furthermore, Constantinople had been projected as being granted a status of a free city, Russia would receive South Bessarabia and Austro!

Hungary would gain Bosnia1. However, after the rise of the Bulgarian insurrection in , it became obvious that the Slavic states were not strong enough to oppose the Ottoman forces, resulting in the most preposterous atrocities imaginable. The Bulgarian massacres had triggered the necessity of Russian intervention. This eased the forthcoming actions of Russia. In this specific constellation of power relations and objective conditions, the Russian!

Ottoman war had started in Stefano on 3rd of March The Treaty introduced the autonomous Bulgarian state, established under direct Russian influence, comprising a vast part of the Ottoman reigns on the Balkans: the Vranje County from Serbia, Corcha County from Albania and the entire Macedonia. Rightfully interpreted as a culmination of the Russian imperialism in the region, the San Stefano Treaty was determinably opposed by the rest of 1 Ibidem, p.

It provided for the recognition of complete independence for Montenegro, Serbia and Roumania. Montenegro and Roumania were to receive territorial aggrandizements A new Balkan state, Bulgaria, came into existence as an autonomous but tributary state with a ruling prince to be elected by the people but to be confirmed by the Sultan with the assent of the powers.

The territory of this new state was generously drawn along ethnographic lines taking in even Bulgarian minorities. Thus it included the whole of present day Bulgaria, the greater part of Macedonia and a portion of Albania. Russia reserved the right to retrocede Dobrudja to Roumania in return for Bessarabia. Hungary, as well as attracting the revolt of the neighbouring Serbia and Greece. More specifically, the provisions of this Treaty directly undermined any potential realisation of the Austrian territorial aspirations aiming for ultimate inclusion of Salonika.

The establishment of GreatBulgaria including the port of Kavala , ensured the Russian incursion in the Mediterranean basin, as feared that Kavala would be transformed in a future Russian naval base, with the most certain possibility of even subsequent granting a status of free zone to Constantinople1. Furthermore, such dramatic disposition of hegemony also instigated the German interests; hence it endangered the German trade routes in the Black Sea basin, stretching from the Danube Valley to Persia, with the emphasis on the port of Batum, which had been annexed by Russia with the San Stefano Treaty2.

Materially and financially exhausted by the war, Russia had no other choice but to succumb to revision of San Stefano Treaty. For that purpose, the Congress of Berlin was summoned in the summer of According to the new Treaty, Bulgaria was divided into two parts: an autonomous duchy of Bulgaria and a county of Eastern Rumelia. Macedonia was returned to the Ottoman Empire3.

The significance of the Congress of Berlin The treaty of Berlin would resolve the Ottoman rules on the Balkans under the advocacy of the major powers: Romania, Serbia and Montenegro would gain independence; Bulgaria would be divided in two territorial entities — the Ottoman province of Eastern Roumelia, ruled by a Christian Governor, and the autonomous principality of Bulgaria; Macedonia and Albania would be restored under Ottoman rule; Austria would gain the entitlement to overtake Bosnia and Herzegovina; Crete would be granted the status of political autonomy.

The Tsar would be appeased by the recessions granted in the form of annexation of south! The important moment of convergence of both elements, due to the mere subject of research here, also presented at the Congress of Berlin, was the clear invocation of further internal reformation of the Ottoman Empire. The process was characterised by open advocacy of the Western powers and confirmed at the Congress: the best possible manner for preserving the territorial and political integrity of the Empire was to introduce substantial institutional reforms, modernising the administration and integrating the different nationalities living under Ottoman rule in the frame of institutional processes.

This was clearly visible in the attempts of the Constantinople Conference 1 and the project of transforming the Ottoman Empire into a constitutional monarchy. Although the new Constitution was introduced in December , it did not prevent Russia from declaring a war on the Ottomans in However, the Berlin Treaty would present a new moment — a reiteration, at a least formal one, of all major powers in order to support the provisions of the Treaty, by including the principles of institutional reformations.

In this respect, two major points can be emphasized. First, the specific engagement of the British representatives for an utmost administrative reformation of Ottoman Empire, while the Prime minister Salisbury who at the same time also resumed the position of the Foreign Secretary , was so eager to seize the opportunity of imposing reforms on each and every vilyaet in Turkey. The reformatory project included an appointment of a Governor in control over the police, tax collection and the entire administrative system, and, for that purpose, it even presented the idea of granting six million British pounds as loan to the Sultan, providing the necessary funding for such an ambitious endeavour.

The same project, however, had later been vetoed by the same Prime minister, as the bondholders manifested their protest towards ideas such as the trade depression, the bad harvest and the war in Afghanistan which came forth as premises for a prognosis of a financial crisis2. Nevertheless, the British efforts towards imposition of internal reforms continued, unfortunately so had the open reluctance and resistance by Abdul Hamid II, in relation to his regressive regime and refusal to introduce any reformatory process that may have limited his power.

Still Britain would utilize the Berlin provisions to instigate further attempts of combined diplomatic efforts with the rest of the European powers to succumb the Porte to this concept in the decades following the Congress. On The Porte made a clever move, introducing the Constitution the very next day!

The Sublime Porte shall depute special commissions, in which the native element shall be largely represented, to settle the details of the new laws in each province. Article 23 of the Berlin Treaty introduced the necessary legal precedent for all future political aspirations of the Macedonian liberation movement!

Therefore, an implementation of this specific provision, adopted by the diplomatic will of the great powers, in absence of a legal political framework of national expression, served the purpose of a certain legal and political form of self! This is the general moment of convergence of the ideological matrix of the liberation movement and diplomatic efforts formulated by the Treaty, predominantly the British ones.

The forthcoming period would confirm this convergence. The framework for implementation of the Treaty — the existing millet system The Ottomans implemented the millet system, established back in the XVII century, separating the Muslims and non! Muslims in communities headed by a religious figure2.

According to the millet system, the Porte did not give any significance to the ethnic affiliation of the subjects, hence the religious confession was the only important base for distinction of the subjects. The Porte 1 Duncan M. Muslim subjects into separate communities, all headed by a religious figure.

These communities were quasi! In return for this status as quasi! Paper 5, , p. The millet system had a pragmatic value for the Porte — by granting certain rights on the ground of religious confession, it positioned the religious leaders of the Ottoman subjects as the ones responsible for the conduct of the subjects themselves1.

In practice, all the Orthodox subjects were united by the decree of the Sultan in a single Rum millet, defined under the dioceses of the Supreme Patriarch of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Ottoman millet system recreated the Christian Orthodox churches as institutions of political power, centres of cultural and national dissemination, assimilation and as a factor of the enhanced national awakening of the Orthodox people under the Ottoman Empire in the XIX century.

In this political respect, the right to confession of the subjects was guaranteed by the Hati! Muslim population in the Empire, specifically enhancing the right of undisputed confession, protection of the Christians and legal equality, regardless of the religious affiliation. More specifically, it granted every Christian eparchy an abolishment of the church taxes and replacement with a certain income of the patriarchs and the heads of the religious communities.

Furthermore, it guaranteed the real! One of the greatest concessions was the delegated jurisdiction of mixed courts, Christian and Muslim, to prosecute any sort of legal violation that included Muslim and Christian, or any other non! Muslim, subjects4. In addition, there was an attempt to create equality for all subjects.

For example, the Hatt i Humayun wanted to reform the court system in which the courts would be mixed ethnically in order to take care of a greater proportion of cases involving Muslims and non! In this prospect, the Ohrid Archbishopric, that existed since the X century, had played a significant role concerning the non! Greek identity of its affiliates until the Archbishopric had been abolished by the Porte in Afterwards, all the Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire became part of the dioceses of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Constantinople and, respectively, under enhanced Greek lingual and cultural influence — as the Rum Millet entity was serving a purpose of enhancing the Greek nationalism and the Greek romantic ideal of a greater nation which also emerged in the XIX century.

In its own nationalistic view, the Greek nationalism of the time had utilized the continuity between the ancient and modern times to impose historical claims over the Macedonian territory, observing the once ancient territory of the great kingdom of Phillip II as its own, using it as a weapon against the raising Bulgarian influence at the time, and thus not allowing any divergent views to be developed.

Ultimately these national aspirations would have been satisfied, at least to a greater extent, by the occupation of the most of the Macedonian territory during the Balkan wars1. As far as the Macedonians were concerned, the elements of opposition towards the Greek Patriarchate had always been present, mostly because of the imposition of the Greek language in the services and the education conducted by the church schools, as unknown and alienable in the everyday communication and usage.

The foundation of the Bulgarian Exarchate of Veliko Tarnovo in coincided with the culmination of the Bulgarian liberation movement at the time and the historically utilized moment by the Bulgarian political forces to separate themselves from the jurisdiction of the Patriarchy and found their own national church, a move widely supported by the Russians and the Ottomans2.

The new Exarchate was praised by some of the communities as a possibility of exercising the religious customs and services in 1 Victor Roudometof, Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, Praeger, , p.

The Ottomans manipulated the situation in order to divide the Balkan Christians When the Ottoman decree firman of 12 March officially established a Bulgarian Exarchate, it further complicated this situation. The firman limited the Exarchate's jurisdiction to the Danubian Bulgaria the area between Danube and Stara Planina mountain ; however, it provided Article 10 that the Exarchate could add additional dioceses if in a plebiscite two! Therefore, a lot of Macedonian communities voluntarily joined and accepted the dioceses of the Exarchate.

The church propagandas caused objective historical internal division among the Macedonian people, because of the scrupulousness in the conduct. Soon the armed propagandas would initiate as a means of forcing the Macedonian communities to join the national churches.

The church propagandas attracted the attention of the Great Powers and the international perception especially through the popular reaction of the peoples in Macedonia, mostly against any sort of confessional imposition. Regarding the British perception, most of the attention was focused on the discontent and revolt with the Greek patriarchy, vis! The ambassador, Sir William White, in April , described the aspirations of the Exarchate towards the Macedonian eparchies, and commended the allowance of Bulgarian episcopes to be appointed in Macedonia.

In that respect, he had assessed the decision of the Grand Vizier to permit one visiting Bulgarian episcope to Skopje, as a justified one, in accordance with the Article 62 of the Berlin Treaty3. Article 62 had been introduced in order to guarantee the right of religious liberty within the Ottoman Empire, preventing any sort of discrimination on the basis of religious affiliation4. In practice, such provisions further instigated the existing inter! In that sense, the Berlin Treaty enhanced such policies.

There were various examples manifesting the resistance among the local population against the various impositions. Hellenic cultural societies in the Macedonian town of Strumica. The petition had been addressed to him, protesting the annexation of Strumica to Bulgaria with the provisions of the Berlin Treaty. The petition described the revolt of the local population over the unification with Bulgaria, because they described themselves as Macedonians and as Helens at the same time, however admitting their usage and knowledge of the Slavic language, but affiliating to the Greek, nevertheless1.

As for the Greek interest, Macedonia was an ancient Hellenic kingdom that had suffered sufficient ethnic incursions in the centuries afterwards, resulting into a non! According to the Greek stance, the learning of the Greek language stood as a wonderful inheritance by all Greek! Therefore, their strategic goal was to subject the Macedonian cities to Greek influence, from the mount Grammos and the Ohrid Lake in the west to the river Nestos in the east, and turn them into urban centres of dissemination of the process of hellenisation4.

But nevertheless, this could have been automatically interpreted as lingual resemblance which was equal to uniformity. Douglas Dakin agrees that the language did not bring the Slav people together, as their tongues differed from each other. In this relation, he emphasised that the Macedonian Slavic language or dialect, as he refers to the Slavic languages as dialects, was different both from Bulgarian and from Serbian, as a Macedonian would feel a stranger both in Belgrade and Sofia, and in this sense it cannot be interpreted as a slightly different version of Bulgarian, which was predominantly assumed in Western Europe in the referent historical period.

This was the reason for establishing Bulgarian schools in Macedonia, along with the Greek and Serbian ones, as a means of continuous nationalistic 1 Dragi Gjorgiev, British Documents for the History of Macedonia, Vol. On the other hand, in relation with the Greek claims on Macedonia, using the argument of antiquity, according to Dakin, could also absurd, as the modernity had little resemblance to the classic memories. Keeping this in mind, the perpetual presence of the Greek Church, presented as a preserver of all Balkan Christians from absorption by the Islam, was utilized as a means of asserting the missing modern territorial claims, and as an efficient means of propaganda2.

Dakin thought that such claims were possible because at the time being the Macedonians had not yet developed into a separate nation. The Treaty provisions consisted in the programmes of IMRO and the reformatory programmes of Rising from the sole core of the Macedonian peasantry, which presented the foundation of the national liberation movement — organised in informal groups for self!

Aiming for their social and economic prosperity, they were also oriented towards activation of the vast peasantry masses4. Soon afterwards, the Constitution of the organisation was adopted, defining the ultimate goals, as well as the general institutional and organisational framework. It was intrinsically an organization internal to Ottoman Macedonia, the antecedents of which are complex. The ultimate revolutionary goal was defined as achieving status of autonomous Macedonia under guardianship of the great European powers, which would ensure the independence from any sort of foreign interference, including the regional imperialism of the neighbouring countries.

Furthermore, it defined that such an objective could achieved solely as the result of a wider popular and national armed uprising that would strictly be founded on domestic strength of the Macedonian people. Gruev confirmed that a secret organisation had been established, headed by a Central Committee, and revolutionary branches, membership fees, and an oath of loyalty had been foreseen as well2.

The Constitution of IMRO, adopted at the Congress of Salonika, , defined the ultimate political autonomy of Macedonia3 and the struggle against the foreign propagandas4 as programme postulates of the Organisation. The goal of political autonomy of Macedonia undoubtedly derived from the provisions of the Berlin Treaty, especially the aforementioned Article 23, thus providing sufficient international legality of the claims, while preserving the consideration of the interest of the Great Powers.

Such proclamations were also notable during the Great Ilinden Uprising of , while the Headquarters addressed the Memorandum to the representatives of the Great Powers in August , demanding for it to be recognised as a belligerent side and its struggle to be internationally legitimized5. While the Ilinden Uprising was fiercely crushed by the Porte, the proclamations once again brought the Macedonian Question to the European official and public attention. Austrian initiated Murzsteg programme of and the British!

Russian reformatory projections of the period ! Both programmes strove to the objective of stabilisation and pacification of the Macedonian vilayets, in the outcry of the immense Ilinden reprisals, while preserving the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The programmes utilized the same provisions stipulated in the Berlin Treaty, as a basis of achieving administrative reforms, comprising the judiciary, gendarmerie and the administrative apparatus in a direction of higher satisfaction of the needs of the Christian population, while decreasing the presence and the authority of the vast Ottoman military and paramilitary troops.

Another sensitive point was the achievement of financial autonomy of the vilayets within the work of a specific Financial Commission, which was a step that the Porte regarded with great reluctance. The Austro! Russian programme resulted in merely appointing adjunct officers to the Inspector General of the gendarmerie for the purpose of preventing misconduct and potential excesses of the gendarmes1, proven inefficient by the aforementioned reluctance of the Porte, which had already established a similar Commission with German aides generals in order to prevent execution of the former programme2.

The programme of ! The programme, as originally initiated by the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, had operationally observed the idea of appointing a Governor of Macedonia, released of any religious rivalry, as a guarantor of the successfulness of the reforms3.

While the further development of the programme was prevented by the rise of the Young Turks revolution in , such reformatory premises presented a historically immaculate moment of convergence between the diplomacies of the Great Powers and the ideological strivings of the Macedonian liberation movement, which derived from the unique postulates of the Berlin Treaty.

Bertie, No. Bridge, F. Gooch, G. Hristov, Aleksandar T. LeDonne, John P. Mowat, R. Public Record Office reference No. Lobanov A. Webster, C. It is based mainly on the documents from Romanian and French archives. After , when Romania obtained South Dobrudja Cadrilater from Bulgaria, the relations between the two countries worsened. The Governement leaded by Vasil Radoslavov wanted to revise the Treaty of Finally Romania and Bulgaria adhered to rival belligerent blocks. The declaration of neutrality On 28 June , the archduke Franz Ferdinand, the crown prince of Austria!

Hungary, was murdered at Sarajevo1. This assassination represented the pretext for the outburst of World War I one month later. After that, the Austro! Hungarian authorities addressed an ultimatum to Serbia1. As Serbia did not accept all the conditions, Austria!

Almost immediatelly, the Great Powers that formed the two political and military blocks the Entente and the Central Powers declared war reciprocally. The military conflict gained the amplitude and the characteristics of a global scale war. It did not remain limited to Balkan area. The military operations took place next to its frontiers, so that Romania and the Romanian authorities had three options: to enter the War together with the Central powers, to adopt a neutrality policy or to enter the war together with the Entente and to fight for the Romanian territories of Austria!

At the same time, the Romanian Kingdom had to adopt all the necessary measures for the defense of the frontiers. The treaty of , that Romania signed with the Central Powers did not enter into force. It provided casus foederis. Hungary had been the victim of a military aggression. But Vienna had the initiative of the aggression against Serbia.

Under those circumstances, we could not talk about the obtaining of Basarabia, because this region was incorporated in the Russian Empire and Russia was a member of the Entente. The province between Prut and Nistru had been integrated in the Empire of the Tsars in , after the Russo!

Turkish war, between ! The American historian Glenn E. For this reason, the offensive action of Austria! Hungary against Serbia absolved Romania of any obligation assumed by the Treaty of See Glenn E. But after a short interlude of Romanian administration, which lasted until , Russia expanded again its rule over the whole territory of Basarabia. In exchange, Romania took over Dobrudja and the Danube Delta.

At the end of the Russo! Turkish war of ! The Russian army tried to occupy parts of the Romanian territory1. Later, Russia continued to demonstrate strong hegemonic tendencies. Its claims concerning Constantinopole and Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits were obvious. Moreover, its policy of presenting itself as a protector of the Slavic and or orthodox states and peoples from Balkan area, has always created, in the XIX! The Convention of Akerman and especially the Treaty of Adrianopole institutionalized the so!

Later, the Congress of Paris substituted the unilateral Russian protectorate with the collective guarantee of the European great powers. Nevertheless, under the guise of the former role of protector, Russia continued its efforts to impose its domination on Balkans and to seize new territories.

If the French Republic represented the state of the Entente, which wanted the most the obtaining of Romanian collaboration in the war, the Empire of Tsars was rather reluctant on this topic. Some Russian officials wanted more the military cooperation of Bulgaria. Moreover, the cabinet from Bucharest expressed its will to have all freedom in choosing the moment of the intervention.

Napoca, Argonaut, , p. These relations were characterized by a growing tension after the second Balkan war. The alliance of , victorious over the Ottoman Empire, disintegrated. In the second conflict that shook this very important geostrategic region, Bulgaria fought against its former allies, Serbia and Greece. It played the role of a balancer, trying to hold the balance of power in Balkan area. At the beginning, it remained deliberately in expectation, in reserve and intervened only when Bulgaria could compromise the balance of power in the region and become hegemonic.

Due to its special dynamic and increased instability, the Balkan region was called the powder keg of Europe. It is obvious that the authorities from Bucharest decreed mobilization and intervened against Bulgaria, with the approval of the great powers, France and Russia. Paris persuaded Russia to accept Romanian intervention in the South of the Danube. Max Cytrynbaum, Christoph Breunig, Badi H. Wolter, James Lewis, James Wolter, Bera, Anil K. Hsiao, Cheng, Tadao Hoshino, Hossain, Feng, Qu, Harold D.

Cited by: Tadao Hoshino, Liang Chen, Galvao, Antonio F. Antonio F. Koo, Chao, Yashar Tarverdi, Cited by: Kock, Anders Bredahl, Phillips, Falco J. Yannick V. Markhof, Andrea Orame, Juan Romero-Padilla, Tsionas, Boyuan Zhang, Jia Chen, Henderson, Daniel, Henderson, Daniel J. Daniel J. Mustafa Koroglu, Discussion Papers. Baltagi, Badi H. Jafari-Sadeghi, Vahid, Cited by: Wolter, James Lewis, Gabriela Ciuperca, Karsten Schweikert, Cited by: Effraimidis, Georgios, Department of Economics.

Centre for Applied Microeconometrics. Cited by: Uddin, Md. Xu, Ke-Li, Serra, Teresa, Peter C. Cited by: Peter C. Cited by: Su, Liangjun, Philip Kostov, Kaplan, Herman J. Simos G. Yoon-Jae Whang, Whang, Yoon-Jae, Christophe Dutang, Kyungchul Song, See citations under working paper version above.

Bruce E. Jaeheon Jung, Barigozzi, M. Zerbib, Olivier David, Alderighi, Stefano, Kock, Anders Bredahl, Cited by: F. Genon-Catalot, Linton, O. Ghanem, Dalia, Lesage, Corinne Autant-Bernard, Cizek, P. Christopher L. Foote, LeSage, James P. Kabir, Romain Houssa, Hashem Pesaran, Vanessa Smith, Olivier Parent, Kelejian, Harry H.

Harry H. Prucha, Bera Anil K. Eduardo A. Souza-Rodrigues,

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Panattoni has begun the construction of a new industrial park on the site of the former Kavalier glassworks in Hostomice near Teplice in Central Bohemia. Hungarian architectural and design firm MadiLancos Studio has leased sqm for its new head office in the recently refurbished ZenGarden building in Budapest. And to sum up the tone of the discussions, it could be said that the general mood was one of cautious optimism. Each year Eurobuild has the privilege to pick out a select few who have stood out from other players on the real estate market and nominate them for the Personality of the Year in Commercial Real Estate Award.

The first industrial building will have an area of 9, sqm and is to be delivered around the middle of next year. GTC Group has signed a lease agreement with insurer Generali for over 2, sqm of modern office space in the Matrix B building in Zagreb. Ghelamco has begun the construction of the Craft office building at the junction of ul. Chorzowska and ul. A consortium of Eurovia, Subterra, Strabag.

A consortium of Eurovia CS and Strabag has been awarded a contract to build an 8. The Norblin Factory complex on ul. Warbud is the general contractor of the eight-storey, 44m building, while Capital Park Group is the developer. Erbud has been appointed as the general contractor of a retail centre, which the Saller Group is developing in the village of Lipnik just east of Szczecin.

EU construction output rebounded in May, up by The European construction industry expected to recover in second half of , according to data and analytics specialists GlobalData. Almost three quarters of employers plan to reintroduce their employees to their workplaces in phases rather than all at once, according to CBRE in its The first stage of the preparations for the 11th Eurobuild Awards is now behind us — with the completion of the registration process for companies and Due to the fact we are currently moving our premises, which involves the relocation of our mail server, Eurobuild cannot be contacted via our usual e And to sum up the tone of the discussions, it could be s JLL has for the first time in the history of international real estate consultancies in Poland chosen someone from outside the sector to run the compa Hungarian architectural and design firm MadiLancos Studio has leased sqm for its new head office in the recently refurbished ZenGarden building in Mokotowska 49 in the Mokotowska Square building in Warsaw.

Delta Holding has submitted an offer in the latest public tender for the purchase of the Sava Center congress hall in Belgrade. Panattoni has begun the construction of a new industrial park on the site of the former Kavalier glassworks in Hostomice near Teplice in Central Bohem The sale of Q22 was the culmination of our efforts in this busy quarter. Linklaters is an international adviser providing comprehensive legal support for some of the largest real estate deals both in Poland and worldwide.

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FDI Investment News: (24) Military: (28) Poland agrees $ million JASSM while the share of negative reviews in each of these categories was less than 13​%. which, even at the peak of the holiday season, echo to the sound of empty Wojciech Laszkiewicz, an adviser to the mayor who went on to be. Eugeniusz Laszkiewicz w wystąpieniu reprezentował Wiceprezes Piotr Chrzanowski. Z okazji jubile- „Echo Dnia” opisało zmagania gimna- zjalistów w III. Wuyi Wang & Peter C. B. Phillips & Liangjun Su, "Labor demand shocks at birth and cognitive achievement during childhood," Economics of Education Review, Elsevier, vol. Nikodem Szumilo & Edyta Laszkiewicz & Franz Fuerst, "Effective energy consumption forecasting using enhanced bagged echo​.