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In this new era, the two currents of rights will inevitably be buffeted and challenged; demands for equality and alternative ways to organize societies will raise tumultuous and wide-ranging challenges to all the established orders. Human rights groups would do well to stand apart from all states, drawing out of diverse traditions whatever can illuminate rights and address the painful conflicts among different kinds of rights in a world of staggering inequality and injustice.
As we move towards the decline of a U. In the end, the challenge for the human rights movement is whether it can come to truly confront the abusive operations of wealth and power in all their multiple forms or whether it will succumb to being a weapon of privileged powers seeking to protect their interests — and their conscience. Het zal de lezer van mijn weblog niet verbazen dat geen enkele Nederlandse journalist belangstelling had voor Peck's lezing in Den Haag.
Kritische beschouwingen worden in de kapitalistische 'democratie' even fanatiek geweerd als destijds de dissidente stemmen in de Sovjet Unie. Het kapitalisme en het communisme wijken zelfs in dit opzicht niet wezenlijk van elkaar. Ook het Westen heeft 'het contact met de realiteit verloren,' maar daarover zwijgen de Nederlandse ' voetnoten.
The corporate media are a key component of the U. By Margaret Kimberley. They are consistent cheerleaders for whoever occupies the oval office and the corporate corner office. They make no attempt to hide their allegiance to power and their lack of interest in informing the public.
The rotten state of affairs becomes all too obvious whenever a president threatens action against another country. Reporters act more like press agents and spring into action shielding and protecting the aggressors. They make it clear to those few who gain access that questions, criticisms or anything else that smacks of independent thought will not to be tolerated.
The American decision to use Ukraine as a means of attacking Russian influence is the latest effort to prop up the empire, and the corporate media obligingly show their approval. Blitzer tried to interject, offering to play Churkin's comments again. Amanpour had lots of company at other networks. Cohen informed viewers that American presidents going back to Bill Clinton have been playing a very dangerous game in their attempt to pry Ukraine from the Russian orbit.
Ifill was contemptuous of Cohen throughout and stuck to the Putin is evil meme. Her questions lacked even a pretense of a thoughtful search for facts. When Cohen gave a simple and understandable explanation of why western meddling posed a danger to world peace Ifill decided to ignore him. I mean, you and I are old enough to have lived through divided Europe in Berlin. Ifill has a long standing reputation of defending presidential policy in her reporting. She is at least consistent.
Just as she followed the Bush doctrine she is now in synch with the Obama team. Amanpour vilifies her colleague on air for cynical reasons and Ifill plays dumb if a guest dares to speak up with real analysis. All their behaviors are an effort to diminish any debates or arguments against the United States government.
But that is not how empires work. Ifill, Amanpour and company flourish precisely because they do not tell us the truth. Nations are invaded and economies are ruined because our government is determined to have its way in the world. The crimes are committed with impunity in part because presidents get a helping hand from their corporate media partners. The only thing making Americans squeamish about military involvement against Russia is war weariness. We have a government that is more aggressive by the day and they have a mouth piece which we call the media.
Kimberley lives in New York City, and can be reached via e-Mail at. Kimberley BlackAgendaReport. President Poetin als het ultieme kwaad in de wereld. Er is weer een Hitler opgestaan. Het massale geweld kan beginnen. De vraag blijft: Wat vinden wij wel een casus belli?
This is easy to understand. Listening to the politicians in Washington or watching the corporate media, it would be easy to believe that the coup in the Ukraine has ushered in new era of democracy for the people of that country. Nothing could be further from the truth. The new, self-appointed government in Kiev is a coalition between right-wing and outright fascist forces, and the line between the two is often difficult to discern.
Moreover, it is the fascist forces, particularly the Svoboda party and the Right Sector, who are in the ascendancy, as evidenced by the fact that they have been given key government positions in charge of the military and other core elements of the state apparatus. He is the new top commander of the National Defense and Security Council. In addition, Yatsenyuk is not from an overtly fascist party, a major public relations advantage for Western imperialist backers of the new regime.
But here the murky divide between the right-wing and fascist parties comes into view. It was only in that Parubiy ran on the Fatherland ticket. We want a clean nation, not like under Hitler, but a little bit like that. Another key post held by an open Svoboda member is that of Prosecutor-General. By John Feffer. The Cold War is history. For those growing up today, the Cold War is as distant in time as World War II was for those came of age in the s.
In both cases, empires collapsed and maps were redrawn. Repugnant ideologies were laid bare and then laid to rest, though patches of nostalgia persist. Surely the Cold War has been consigned to the textbooks as irrevocably as the Battle of the Bulge. The Berlin Wall is in pieces. What was once confrontation has turned into joint efforts to address global challenges: stabilizing the world economy, negotiating nuclear agreements with Iran, ending the war in Syria.
Impending environmental catastrophe is gradually uniting all sides in much the same way that Ronald Reagan once imagined that a Martian invasion would. Just when you thought it was safe to get back into geopolitics, the Cold War has reared its ugly head once again. All your favorite characters have returned to the footlights—the iron-fisted Russian leader, the thundering American secretary of state, troops of multiple nations on alert, and lots of cloak-and-dagger intrigue behind the scenes.
And starring in the role of Prague is that new and untested actor: Crimea We can only hope that history is repeating itself as farce, not as a tragic tale told twice. But there are some crucial differences in this restaging of the Cold War classic. And Moscow is not invoking some form of internationalism in support of ideological compatriots but nationalism pure and simple to safeguard its ethnic brethren.
From the West, so far, has come much sound and fury, including the threat of economic sanctions and other penalties, but a military response remains off the table. There is still time to find a diplomatic solution that can preserve Ukrainian sovereignty, address the concerns of Russians on both sides of the border, and revive that old vision of a common European home that treats Russia as a member, not a mobster.
The western sections have leaned Europe-ward while large numbers of Russian speakers in the east feel some measure of allegiance to Moscow. Russia has not been happy about either of these partnerships. Moscow put together its own partnership, the Eurasian Economic Community, more than a dozen years ago, but Ukraine is only an observer.
A clash of partnerships is now threatening to break out on the peninsula of Crimea. The sympathies of Crimeans are clearly divided. And now, it seems, Crimea itself is divided. Armed men stormed the Crimean parliament last week and forced the appointment of Sergei Aksyonov as the new prime minister of the peninsula.
Aksyonov immediately appealed to Russia for assistance and set a date for a referendum on Crimean independence. Russian troops have spread throughout the peninsula to secure both civilian and military installations. Russian guards are posted outside Ukrainian military bases. Indeed, absorption might not be his goal, for even the tastiest morsels have a habit of sticking in the throat.
Earlier in the week, a group of Cossacks seized control of the city hall and hoisted a Russian flag. But the new Ukrainian authorities eventually reestablished control. Places like Crimea and Kharkiv could swing either way in their sympathies. Russian troops plus separatist sentiment could produce an Abkhazian or Transnistrian scenario: breakaway provinces recognized by only a handful of countries around the world. Only compromise—a free-and-fair referendum, the preservation of minority rights, a moratorium on NATO expansion—can prevent fracture.
The continuing crisis in Ukraine has generated its share of Cold War-style inanities. Will the MAD scientists never learn? The situation in Ukraine is bad enough without adding WMD to the mix whether in the form of deliberate attack, accidental use, or loose nukes. But the chief inanity is the one that has governed Western policy since —that there would be no costs to the expansion of NATO and the European Union. Indeed, with the rise of Putin and the freeze that has settled over freedom of expression and assembly, Russia is already being lost by degrees.
However much I would love to see Ukraine in the European Union one day and however much I support civil society initiatives inside Russia, enthusiasts for these projects must recognize that they strengthen the hands of those who argue the West is only interested in neutering Mother Russia. Backlash is almost inevitable. Policymakers in Washington and Brussels should take a much longer view.
As long as we continue to shave away at the habitat where the bear lives, it will swipe at its encroachers and defend its ground. It might seem ridiculous to talk about grand partnerships with Russia at the very moment when the international community wants to put Putin in the penalty box. It is a project of the Institute for Policy Studies.
Visit FPIF's website. So Was World War I. Photo: AFP Ukraine is a lot more portentous than it appears. It is fundamentally about the play for Persian Gulf oil. So was World War I. The danger lies in the chance of runaway escalation, just like World War I. The oil is running out. The rate at which known reserves are being depleted is four times that at which new oil is being discovered. Iraq is about oil. But the U. Think of the Wars between the Protestants and Catholics in the s. Iran, of course, is implacably hostile to the U.
The Iranians overthrew the Shah in and installed a fundamentalist theocracy that continues to this day. So, the upheaval in Ukraine is really about the U. If Russia is weakened, Syria is weakened. If Syria is weakened, Iran is weakened. If Iran is weakened, the U. That is the Great Game that is going on here.
The problem is the risk of escalation. Russia fires back, decisively. This puts Ukraine at risk for its European suitor, the EU. Russia retaliates to blacken NATO's nose. And before anyone knows it, the U. This is almost exactly how World War I started. But this would have given Germany a choke hold on England, which had only just converted its navy to oil.
So, England reversed its historical rivalry with France, in , and with Russia, in , to try to contain Germany. In a freak event, a Serbian teenager killed the heir-apparent to the Austrian-Hungarian throne. So Austria-Hungary attacked Serbia. So it mobilized on Austria-Hungary, an effective declaration of war. Within less than one month of a minor incident in a minor region of the continent, all the major powers of Europe were at war.
World War I would inflict 27 million casualties through the industrialization of human slaughter. It destroyed four great empires, more than had expired in any single event, ever. Eleven new nations were created in its aftermath, including Iraq, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine.
It was the event that shifted the locus of global power from Europe to the U. It rearranged the architecture of global power more than any event of the last thousand years. So the portent of Ukraine is a global strategic order hanging in the balance. It is the same strategic objective that is driving the U. Indeed, all of the U. The wild card in the whole fracas is China. China is the biggest customer of Iranian oil, and the largest international investor in Venezuela.
The potential escalation from Ukraine as the U. He is the founder of the national non-profit One Dollar For Life which helps American students build schools in the developing world from their contributions of one dollar. In the United States, the heads of our spying services once claimed that 54 terrorist attacks had been stopped by mass surveillance, but two independent White House reviews with access to the classified evidence on which this claim was founded concluded it was untrue, as did a Federal Court.
Looking at the US government's reports here is valuable. The most recent of these investigations, performed by the White House's Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, determined that the mass surveillance program investigated was not only ineffective -- they found it had never stopped even a single imminent terrorist attack -- but that it had no basis in law. After noting that even this unimpressive success - uncovering evidence of a single unlawful bank transfer -- would have been achieved without bulk collection, the Board recommended that the unlawful mass surveillance program be ended.
Unfortunately, we know from press reports that this program is still operating today. I believe that suspicionless surveillance not only fails to make us safe, but it actually makes us less safe. By squandering precious, limited resources on "collecting it all," we end up with more analysts trying to make sense of harmless political dissent and fewer investigators running down real leads. I believe investing in mass surveillance at the expense of traditional, proven methods can cost lives, and history has shown my concerns are justified.
Despite the extraordinary intrusions of the NSA and EU national governments into private communications world-wide, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the "Underwear Bomber," was allowed to board an airplane traveling from Europe to the United States in The persons on board were not saved by mass surveillance, but by his own incompetence, when he failed to detonate the device.
While even Mutallab's own father warned the US government he was dangerous in November , our resources were tied up monitoring online games and tapping German ministers. That extraordinary tip-off didn't get Mutallab a dedicated US investigator.
All we gave him was a US visa. Despite the Russians specifically warning us about Tamerlan Tsarnaev, the FBI couldn't do more than a cursory investigation -- although they did plenty of worthless computer-based searching - and failed to discover the plot. The resources that could have paid for a real investigation had been spent on monitoring the call records of everyone in America. This should not have happened. The National Security Agency. The Defense Intelligence Agency.
I love my country, and I believe that spying serves a vital purpose and must continue. And I have risked my life, my family, and my freedom to tell you the truth. The NSA granted me the authority to monitor communications world-wide using its mass surveillance systems, including within the United States. I know the good and the bad of these systems, and what they can and cannot do, and I am telling you that without getting out of my chair, I could have read the private communications of any member of this committee, as well as any ordinary citizen.
I swear under penalty of perjury that this is true. These are not the capabilities in which free societies invest. Mass surveillance violates our rights, risks our safety, and threatens our way of life. If even the US government, after determining mass surveillance is unlawful and unnecessary, continues to operate to engage in mass surveillance, we have a problem. I consider the United States Government to be generally responsible, and I hope you will agree with me. Accordingly, this begs the question many legislative bodies implicated in mass surveillance have sought to avoid: if even the US is willing to knowingly violate the rights of billions of innocents -- and I say billions without exaggeration -- for nothing more substantial than a "potential" intelligence advantage that has never materialized, what are other governments going to do?
Whether we like it or not, the international norms of tomorrow are being constructed today, right now, by the work of bodies like this committee. If liberal states decide that the convenience of spies is more valuable than the rights of their citizens, the inevitable result will be states that are both less liberal and less safe.
Thank you. I will now respond to the submitted questions. Please bear in mind that I will not be disclosing new information about surveillance programs: I will be limiting my testimony to information regarding what responsible media organizations have entered into the public domain. For the record, I also repeat my willingness to provide testimony to the United States Congress, should they decide to consider the issue of unconstitutional mass surveillance. Given the focus of this Inquiry is on the impact of mass surveillance on EU citizens, could you elaborate on the extent of cooperation that exists between the NSA and EU Member States in terms of the transfer and collection of bulk data of EU citizens?
Lawyers from the NSA, as well as the UK's GCHQ, work very hard to search for loopholes in laws and constitutional protections that they can use to justify indiscriminate, dragnet surveillance operations that were at best unwittingly authorized by lawmakers. These efforts to interpret new powers out of vague laws is an intentional strategy to avoid public opposition and lawmakers' insistence that legal limits be respected, effects the GCHQ internally described in its own documents as "damaging public debate.
In recent public memory, we have seen these FAD "legal guidance" operations occur in both Sweden and the Netherlands, and also faraway New Zealand. Germany was pressured to modify its G law to appease the NSA, and it eroded the rights of German citizens under their constitution. Each of these countries received instruction from the NSA, sometimes under the guise of the US Department of Defense and other bodies, on how to degrade the legal protections of their countries' communications.
The ultimate result of the NSA's guidance is that the right of ordinary citizens to be free from unwarranted interference is degraded, and systems of intrusive mass surveillance are being constructed in secret within otherwise liberal states, often without the full awareness of the public. Once the NSA has successfully subverted or helped repeal legal restrictions against unconstitutional mass surveillance in partner states, it encourages partners to perform "access operations.
Sometimes the NSA provides consultation, technology, or even the physical hardware itself for partners to "ingest" these massive amounts of data in a manner that allows processing, and it does not take long to access everything. Even in a country the size of the United States, gaining access to the circuits of as few as three companies can provide access to the majority of citizens' communications.
By the time this general process has occurred, it is very difficult for the citizens of a country to protect the privacy of their communications, and it is very easy for the intelligence services of that country to make those communications available to the NSA -- even without having explicitly shared them.
Yet the two tapping sites may be two points on the same cable, so the NSA simply captures the communications of the German citizens as they transit Denmark, and the Danish citizens as they transit Germany, all the while considering it entirely in accordance with their agreements. Ultimately, each EU national government's spy services are independently hawking domestic accesses to the NSA, GCHQ, FRA, and the like without having any awareness of how their individual contribution is enabling the greater patchwork of mass surveillance against ordinary citizens as a whole.
The Parliament should ask the NSA and GCHQ to deny that they monitor the communications of EU citizens, and in the absence of an informative response, I would suggest that the current state of affairs is the inevitable result of subordinating the rights of the voting public to the prerogatives of State Security Bureaus.
The surest way for any nation to become subject to unnecessary surveillance is to allow its spies to dictate its policy. The right to be free unwarranted intrusion into our private effects -- our lives and possessions, our thoughts and communications -- is a human right. It is not granted by national governments and it cannot be revoked by them out of convenience.
Just as we do not allow police officers to enter every home to fish around for evidence of undiscovered crimes, we must not allow spies to rummage through our every communication for indications of disfavored activities. Could you comment on the activities of EU Member States intelligence agencies in these operations and how advanced their capabilities have become in comparison with the NSA? As it pertains to the issue of mass surveillance, the difference between, for example, the NSA and FRA is not one of technology, but rather funding and manpower.
Technology is agnostic of nationality, and the flag on the pole outside of the building makes systems of mass surveillance no more or less effective. In terms of the mass surveillance programmes already revealed through the press, what proportion of the mass surveillance activities do these programmes account for? Are there many other programmes, undisclosed as of yet, that would impact on EU citizens rights? Are there adequate procedures in the NSA for staff to signal wrongdoing?
The culture within the US Intelligence Community is such that reporting serious concerns about the legality or propriety of programs is much more likely to result in your being flagged as a troublemaker than to result in substantive reform. We should remember that many of these programs were well known to be problematic to the legal offices of agencies such as the GCHQ and other oversight officials.
According to their own documents, the priority of the overseers is not to assure strict compliance with the law and accountability for violations of law, but rather to avoid, and I quote, "damaging public debate," to conceal the fact that for-profit companies have gone "well beyond" what is legally required of them, and to avoid legal review of questionable programs by open courts.
The first were well-meaning but hushed warnings not to "rock the boat," for fear of the sort of retaliation that befell former NSA whistleblowers like Wiebe, Binney, and Drake. All three men reported their concerns through the official, approved process, and all three men were subject to armed raids by the FBI and threats of criminal sanction. Everyone in the Intelligence Community is aware of what happens to people who report concerns about unlawful but authorized operations.
The second were similarly well-meaning but more pointed suggestions, typically from senior officials, that we should let the issue be someone else's problem. Even among the most senior individuals to whom I reported my concerns, no one at NSA could ever recall an instance where an official complaint had resulted in an unlawful program being ended, but there was a unanimous desire to avoid being associated with such a complaint in any form. Do you feel you had exhausted all avenues before taking the decision to go public?
I had reported these clearly problematic programs to more than ten distinct officials, none of whom took any action to address them. As an employee of a private company rather than a direct employee of the US government, I was not protected by US whistleblower laws, and I would not have been protected from retaliation and legal sanction for revealing classified information about lawbreaking in accordance with the recommended process. It is important to remember that this is legal dilemma did not occur by mistake.
US whistleblower reform laws were passed as recently as , with the US Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act, but they specifically chose to exclude Intelligence Agencies from being covered by the statute. President Obama also reformed a key executive Whistleblower regulation with his Presidential Policy Directive 19, but it exempted Intelligence Community contractors such as myself. The result was that individuals like me were left with no proper channels. Do you think procedures for whistleblowing have been improved now?
There has not yet been any substantive whistleblower reform in the US, and unfortunately my government has taken a number of disproportionate and persecutory actions against me. US government officials have declared me guilty of crimes in advance of any trial, they've called for me to be executed or assassinated in private and openly in the press, they revoked my passport and left me stranded in a foreign transit zone for six weeks, and even used NATO to ground the presidential plane of Evo Morales - the leader of Bolivia - on hearing that I might attempt to seek and enjoy asylum in Latin America.
What is your relationship with the Russian and Chinese authorities, and what are the terms on which you were allowed to stay originally in Hong Kong and now in Russia? Could we help you in any way, and do you seek asylum in the EU?
What happens to me as a person is less important than what happens to our common rights. Parliamentarians in the national governments have told me that the US, and I quote, "will not allow" EU partners to offer political asylum to me, which is why the previous resolution on asylum ran into such mysterious opposition.
I would welcome any offer of safe passage or permanent asylum, but I recognize that would require an act of extraordinary political courage. And I expect similar operations will be revealed in the future that affect many more ordinary citizens.
In your view, how far can the surveillance measures you revealed be justified by national security and from your experience is the information being used for economic espionage? What could be done to resolve this? MARCH 07, Binyamin Netanyahu is very good at making speeches, especially to Jews, neocons and such, who jump up and applaud wildly at everything he says, including that tomorrow the sun will rise in the west.
The question is: is he good at anything else? His father, an ultra-ultra-rightist, once said about him that he is quite unfit to be prime minister, but that he could be a good foreign minister. What he meant was that Binyamin does not have the depth of understanding needed to guide the nation, but that he is good at selling any policy decided upon by a real leader….
This week Netanyahu was summoned to Washington. Netanyahu arrived with an empty bag — meaning a bag full of empty slogans. The Israeli leadership had striven mightily for peace, but could not progress at all because of the Palestinians. It is Mahmoud Abbas who is to blame, because he refuses to recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people.
What about the settlements, which have been expanding during the last year at a hectic pace? Why should the Palestinians negotiate endlessly, while at the same time the Israeli government takes more and more of the land which is the substance of the negotiations?
Kerry is frantic for an achievement, whatever its contents and discontents. Because, on the way to confront a newly invigorated Obama, there was an explosion that shook the world: Ukraine. It was like the shots that rang out in Sarajevo a hundred years ago. The international tranquility was suddenly shattered. The possibility of a major war was in the air. Obama, occupied with a historic crisis, just wanted to get rid of him as quickly as possible.
Instead of the severe admonition of the Israeli leader, he got away with some hollow compliments. All the wonderful speeches Netanyahu had prepared were left unspeeched. All because of the upheaval in Kiev. By now, innumerable articles have been written about the crisis. Historical associations abound. One must pity Ukrainian schoolchildren. The changes in the history of their country were constant and extreme.
In a way, Ukraine is the heartland of Russian culture, religion and orthography. Kiev was far more important than Moscow, before becoming the centrepiece of Muscovite imperialism. The war broke out over Christian rights in Jerusalem, and included a long siege of Sevastopol. The world remembers the charge of the Light Brigade. A British woman called Florence Nightingale established the first organization to tend the wounded on the battlefield.
In my lifetime, Stalin murdered millions of Ukrainians by deliberate starvation. The Crimea suffered terribly. The Tatar people, who had ruled the peninsula in the past, were deported to Central Asia, then allowed to return decades later.
Now they are a small minority, seemingly unsure of where their loyalties lie…. The relationship between Ukraine and the Jews is no less complicated. Some Jewish writers, like Arthur Koestler and Shlomo Sand, believe that the Khazar empire that ruled the Crimea and neighbouring territory a thousand years ago, converted to Judaism, and that most Ashkenazi Jews are descended from them.
This would turn us all into Ukrainians. Many early Zionist leaders indeed came from Ukraine. Where will this leave Netanyahu? He has gained some months or years without any movement toward peace, and in the meantime can continue with the occupation and build settlements at a frantic pace. That is the traditional Zionist strategy. Time is everything. Every postponement provides opportunities to create more facts on the ground.
God bless Putin. Richard D. President Obama's proven reliability as outsider president extraordinaire - putting a disarming smiley face on capitalism's depredations - is his administration's economic significance. Enough time has elapsed in Obama's presidency to assess its economic meanings. His administration's actions and omissions tell a clear story. On the other, Obama had the hardest time doing so and is likely the last to do it in the manner of those other presidents.
History provides our context for assessing Obama's economic significance. The US economy's defining moment across the past century was the s eruption of an organized, self-conscious working class into politics. Massive union organizing drives by the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO allied with massive popular mobilizations by socialist and communist parties. That labor-radical coalition forced huge concessions - the New Deal - from business and the wealthy.
They were taxed and regulated to enable major gains for middle- and lower-income citizens. Those gains included establishing Social Security, unemployment compensation, minimum wage, and millions of federal jobs. Labor-radical explosion from below reversed income and wealth inequalities deepened by capitalism's development after the Civil War to the crash.
Haunting the historic changes across the s were plausible intimations by socialists and occasional threats by communists of revolution. Labor-radical pressures generated President Franklin D. Roosevelt's famous proposals for a percent top income tax rate and for a Second Bill of Rights.
When war ended and FDR died, reactionaries mobilized to roll back the New Deal and all it represented. Business, the rich and other right-wing social forces organized a conservative coalition to cut regulations, cut taxes or shift them to others, and reduce government services other than military.
Economic history since charts the reversal of the New Deal domestically alongside developing a global pax Americana. The domestic campaign largely succeeded despite occasional missteps. Government policies conformed because of 1 financial levers worked by business and the rich, and 2 voting blocs managed by conservative religious and other organizations.
The money interest focused chiefly on undoing the New Deal. Social conservatives pushed state favoritism for their institutions and beliefs. The conservative coalition's program destroyed the labor-radical coalition. Communists were redefined from radical activists into Moscow's agents.
Socialists were rendered indistinguishable from - or dupes of - successfully demonized communists. Labor unions were harassed, often split, pressured to purge their leftist allies and members, and hobbled legally. Beginning with President Harry Truman, successive presidents played their assigned roles.
To assist in rolling back the New Deal, they would reduce taxes and regulations on business and the rich while tilting government supports more toward them. They often actively pursued anti-communist, anti-socialist and anti-union campaigns.
Sometimes more before , less thereafter they interrupted the conservative program by accommodating some resistance to the rollback, some demands for progressive regulations, etc. Most Republicans enthusiastically pushed the program. Many Democrats did so hesitantly while advocating and sometimes delivering accommodations of mass demands.
Truman's administration subsidized and shored up capitalism, worried that troops returning from war would be unemployed and slide with the economy back into depression. Truman prioritized anti-communism and punched down unions via the Taft-Hartley Act. Republican Eisenhower, the kindly grandpa, softened its veneer but sustained the program. By , relentless retreat from New Deal commitments had built pressures for something "really different. Because equally relentless anti-communism had made criticism of business let alone capitalism dangerous, anger focused on government and taxes.
Seeing opportunity, the conservative coalition redoubled attacks on the state: tax-and-spend enemies of the "middle-class" wasted money on undeserving welfare recipients who refused work. Buried were the facts that taxes had been shifted since from corporations and the richest individuals onto lower and especially middle-income Americans. Such anti-government winds led presidential aspirants increasingly to posture as "outsiders" who would correct Washington's misbehaviors.
John F. Kennedy was younger than previous presidential types and Catholic, someone different who at least verbally respected New Deal ideals. As these presidents advanced the conservative coalition agenda, mass resentment accumulated. Widening income and wealth inequalities generated their usual political and cultural consequences. In , their usual economic consequence, a major crisis, arrived. Massive unemployment, home foreclosures, and so on - combined with the long-standing New Deal rollback - required a president with extra outsider dimensions.
Barrack Obama fit better than Hillary Clinton. Could he reliably further the conservative coalition's basic agenda while also symbolizing some link to the New Deal ethos his vague "community organizer" past? Capitalism's crisis since could have been blamed on the conservative coalition and the system itself.
The economically worst-victimized - especially African-Americans - might well have revitalized a new labor-radical coalition, absorbing the mass energies visible in the Occupy movements. The new, young, different African-American president deflected, deterred and at least delayed all that. Obama's proven reliability as outsider president extraordinaire is his administration's economic significance.
Yet continuing crisis makes ever more Americans shed lingering illusions and hopes for better economic futures. So-called "recovery" affects only a small minority. Most people and many businesses face deteriorating jobs and lives.
As the most outside of outsider presidents, Obama presided over the awakening of millions to economic declines they find oppressive and unjust. They are not buying the outsider president strategy any more. The outsider mask has lost further political usefulness for the conservative coalition.
That coalition likely will turn next to types like Wisconsin's Scott Walker and their Koch-type backers. They believe they have the resources, political connections, and accumulated public relations to win — openly and explicitly - against the New Deal's remaining supporters and beneficiaries.
The conservative coalition wants to reconstitute the broad contours of the pre domestic US economy while sustaining the global pax Americana given US-based corporations' growing dependence on foreign workers and markets. Obama's economic significance lies in his being the latest and most outsider of postwar presidents serving the conservative agenda and likely the last.
Overusing the outsider gambit leads to popular disillusionment, disbelief and disinterest in outsider claims. Much the same happened to the anti-communism crusades. The crisis since exposes capitalism's instability and injustices. It revives interest in the New Deal's labor-radical coalition and its policy alternatives.
Previously effective ways of stifling criticism of capitalism no longer work. The criticisms and critics are finding ways to organize effectively. Meanwhile, the conservative coalition has removed its mask. Sharpening social conflicts loom. Wolff is Professor of Economics Emeritus, University of Massachusetts, Amherst where he taught economics from to He also teaches classes regularly at the Brecht Forum in Manhattan. De stelling dat een staat 'zich in de 21ste eeuw gewoonweg niet [gedraagt] op een 19de eeuwse manier door een land binnen te vallen op grond van een volstrekt verzonnen voorwendsel ' werd door de westerse mainstream media die zich afficheren als de 'vrije pers' ongeclausuleerd verspreid als een relevant argument uit de mond van de Amerikaanse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken.
Maar zo prominent als deze bewering door de westerse massamedia werd verspreid zo angstvallig wordt de context verzwegen waarin dergelijke uitspraken worden gedaan. Zelfs de schijn van onafhankelijk laten mijn mainstream collega's in tijden van crisis onmiddellijk vallen en tonen ze een kadaverdiscipline die toch telkens weer verbijsterend is.
De angst hun status en inkomen te verliezen bepalen hun weerzinwekkend opportunisme en conformisme. Daarom de feiten. John Kerry dus, volgens de informatie van kritische Amerikaanse journalisten:. Kerry was an outspoken supporter of the Bush Doctrine, which declares that the United States has the right to unilaterally invade foreign countries, topple their governments, and occupy them indefinitely if they are deemed to pose even a hypothetical threat against the United States.
The October war resolution backed by Kerry was not like the Gulf of Tonkin resolution regarding Vietnam, where there was no time for reflection and debate. It was not a 'mistake' or a momentary lapse of judgment.
What is disturbing about this is that there are scores of oppressive governments around the world that could conceivably pose some kind of threat at some time in the future. Kerry apparently believes that the president should have the power to go after any of them right now. It appears that Kerry has not changed his hawkish view. Kerry basically rejects the UN Charter and the whole basis of the post-World War II international legal system, which is based on the notion of collective security and the illegality of any nation launching an aggressive war.
To have someone with this extremist position as secretary of state sends a message to the international community that little has changed since the Bush administration. Kerry insisted that attacks by Israel which were responsible for over civilian deaths were perfectly legal, attributing the entire fault to Hamas which was responsible for three civilian deaths. That summer, the World Court issued a unanimous save for the U.
In response, Kerry cosponsored a Senate resolution 'supporting the construction by Israel of a security fence to prevent Palestinian terrorist attacks, condemning the decision of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the security fence, and urging no further action by the United Nations to delay or prevent the construction of the security fence.
Rather than displaying a bias against Israel, the World Court has actually been quite consistent: In the only other two advisory opinions issued by the ICJ involving occupied territories South African-occupied Namibia in and Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara in , they also ruled against the occupying power. In the case of the occupied West Bank, however, Kerry insisted, that the World Court 'do[es] not have jurisdiction' and that any legal challenges to the route of the wall should go through the Israeli judiciary 'and we should respect that process.
Despite rationalizing for his support for the invasion of Iraq on the grounds that Iraq was violating a series of UN Security Council resolutions, when U. He has also opposed efforts to block Israeli efforts to colonize large sections of the West Bank, despite a series of resolutions calling on Israel to withdraw from these illegal settlements such as resolutions , , , and No less than President Bush, Kerry seeks to effectively overturn the post-World War II international system based upon the rule of law and collective security in order to forcibly impose a Pax Americana.
Credibility Problems. Again, no such Iraqi UAVs or other systems capable of delivering chemical and biological weapons have been found. This was all part of a 'road map' to democracy 'being carried out to the best of our perception,' Kerry intoned, apparently embracing the calumny that the destruction of representative government in Egypt was always the American plan. Kerry was at great pains to assure Egyptian reporters that even the temporary hold on some weapons that the U.
He contends the only real solution to the turmoil in Ukraine is one which respects the rights and aspirations of all Ukrainians. Were he talking about the country's economic plight he would have a point. Instead, along with much of the US and European media, he was over-dramatising developments in the east, where Russian speakers are understandably alarmed after the new Kiev authorities scrapped a law allowing Russian as an official language in their areas. They see it as proof that the anti-Russian ultra-nationalists from western Ukraine who were the dominant force in last month's insurrection still control it.
Eastern Ukrainians fear similar tactics of storming public buildings could be used against their elected officials. As for Russia's involvement, it should at least be seen in light of its own interests and the legality of the military intervention. Even if not justified, says Steele, it must be compared to that of other world powers who now wave their finger at Moscow with such hypocrisy.
He concludes:. And Russia's troop movements can be reversed if the crisis abates. That would require the restoration of the language law in eastern Ukraine and firm action to prevent armed groups of anti-Russian nationalists threatening public buildings there.
The Russian-speaking majority in the region is as angry with elite corruption, unemployment and economic inequality as people in western Ukraine. But it also feels beleaguered and provoked, with its cultural heritage under existential threat.
Responsibility for eliminating those concerns lies not in Washington, Brussels or Moscow, but solely in Kiev. Ondertussen gaat de westerse propaganda in de mainstream media gewoon door. Ook de polderpers is weer helemaal in de achterhaalde Koude Oorlogsretoriek geschoten.
De met de Anne Vondelingprijs beloonde voormalige NRC -correspondente in Brussel van de EU en de NAVO , Caroline de Gruyter schreef in haar column van zaterdag 8 maart, wereldvrouwendag, zonder enige reserve dat de 'Russische president alles in termen van macht [ziet],' terwijl volgens een anonieme 'betrokkene' in Brussel zou hebben gezegd dat 'Wij die taal niet [spreken]. Wij hebben het over processen, over afspraken. Minister Kerry is daar nu juist zo'n treffend voorbeeld van.
Maar omdat het polderdenken zo diep verankerd ligt in de poldermentaliteit van de polderjournalisten verzuimt Caroline de Gruyter haar publiek duidelijk te maken dat het echte gevaar voor Europa niet Poetin, maar Obama is. Opmerkelijk is ook haar volgende voorstelling van zaken:. Ze EU. Daarin zijn de Amerikanen dominant.
Russia would also like to know in what maritime areas the U. Will the U. Why has the U. Air Force completed building new underground warehouses at 13 air bases in six NATO member countries to store precision nuclear air bombs designed to destroy hard targets? For instance, building up combat and data-collection missile defense equipment while reducing strategic offensive weapons could lead to a dangerous situation described by U.
Such an imbalance could tempt the U. Quite frankly, instead of thinking how to encircle Russia with nuclear and missile defense weapons, the American side should think about how it can work together with us and other interested parties to prevent meteorites from raining down on our planet. The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society.
Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. If we understand the mechanism and motives of the group mind, is it not possible to control and regiment the masses according to our will without their knowing about it? The recent practice of propaganda has proved that it is possible, at least up to a certain point and within certain limits.
Hij noemde. His goal was to adapt these experiences to the need of the 'intelligent minorities,' primarily business leaders, whose task is 'The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses. As Bernays explained the problem, with 'universal suffrage and universal schooling… at last even the bourgeoisie stood in fear of the common people. For the masses promised to become king,' a tendency fortunately reversed — so it has been hoped — as new methods 'to mold the mind of the masses' were devised and implemented.
Het was deze Edward Bernays, neef van Freud, die in zijn boek Crystallizing Public Opinion al in over en voor zijn rijke opdrachtgevers schreef:. The minority has discovered a powerful help in influencing majorities. It has been possible so to mould the mind of the masses that they will throw their newly gained strength in the desired direction. Vanaf toen wist de 'intelligent few,' deze ' invisible wire pullers, ' hoe ze 'continuously and systematically' de voorname taak van 'regimenting the public mind' het best konden uitvoeren.
De zogeheten 'vrije pers' heeft in dit proces een doorslaggevende rol zoals we nu weer over de hele breedte van het media-aanbod kunnen zien. Dit feit is zo voortreffelijk geformuleerd door Frits van Exter, de voormalige hoofdredacteur van Trouw , en huidige hoofdredacteur van Vrij Nederland, toe hij over 'De conditionering van de kudde' het volgende verklaarde:. Lezers horen wantrouwend te zijn tegenover de media De aandacht van de media [wordt] natuurlijk voor een belangrijk deel gestuurd … door de politieke machten… Dat geldt voor de nationale politiek, maar natuurlijk ook voor de internationale politiek… Het heeft voor een deel te maken met de vluchtigheid van het medium.
Deels ook volgen de media elkaar, sommige zijn dominanter, en andere lijden aan kuddegedrag… Als je volgend bent, dan betekent dat als een autoriteit, of iemand die gekozen is om een bepaald gezag uit te oefenen, zegt 'ik vind dit een belangrijk onderwerp, daar gaan we nou es wat aan doen,' dat je dat ook bekijkt. De dingen waar hij het niet over heeft, die volg je dus minder… het werkt voor een deel reflexmatig. Reflexen zijn het, je bent daar geconditioneerd in.
Morgen meer. Napoleon famously exclaimed: 'Give me generals who are lucky! Though Ukraine means 'borderland,' it was often at the centre of European events. At different times Ukraine was a European power and a poor downtrodden territory, extremely rich 'the breadbasket of Europe' or abjectly poor, attacked by neighbours who captured its people to sell them as slaves or attacking its neighbours to enlarge its country.
British people who take an interest in what is happening abroad are perplexed and worried by the recent turn of events in Ukraine. Russia has good reason to care about the strategic alignment of its neighbour to the South. Yet the US has long seen Latin America as a US sphere of influence and has not hesitated to act to keep unwelcome intruders out.
Similarly, for centuries British leaders not only regarded the island to the West as a potential back-door into Britain that must not be allowed to come under hostile influence, let alone occupation; they also held to the principle that the Channel ports opposite Britain must be kept out of the hands of potentially hostile powers.
Back Matter Pages About this book Introduction This monograph details the entire scientific thought of an influential natural philosopher whose contributions, unfortunately, have become obscured by the pages of history. Readers will discover an important thinker: Burchard de Volder. He was instrumental in founding the first experimental cabinet at a European University in The author goes beyond the familiar image of De Volder as a forerunner of Newtonianism in Continental Europe. He consults neglected materials, including handwritten sources, and takes into account new historiographical categories.
In addition, the title includes transcriptions of De Volder's teaching materials: disputations, dictations, and notes. Insightful analysis combined with a trove of primary source material will help readers gain a new perspective on a thinker so far mostly ignored by scholars. They will find a thoughtful figure who engaged with early modern science and developed a place that fostered experimental philosophy.
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